How Many Immigrants Work At Cleaning Jobs

Demography. 2009 Aug; 46(3): 535–551.

Practice Immigrants Work In Riskier Jobs?

PIA 1000. ORRENIUS

Federal Reserve Depository financial institution of Dallas and IZA, 2200 Due north. Pearl Street; Dallas, TX 75201; e–mail service:gro.brf.lad@suinerro.aip.

MADELINE ZAVODNY

Agnes Scott College and IZA.

Abstract

Contempo media and regime reports suggest that immigrants are more probable to hold jobs with poor working weather condition than U.S.-born workers, maybe because immigrants work in jobs that "natives don't want." Despite this widespread view, earlier studies have not plant immigrants to be in riskier jobs than natives. This study combines individual-level data from the 2003–2005 American Community Survey with Bureau of Labor Statistics data on piece of work-related injuries and fatalities to take a fresh look at whether foreign-built-in workers are employed in more than unsafe jobs. The results indicate that immigrants are in fact more probable to piece of work in risky jobs than U.S.-born workers, partly due to differences in average characteristics, such as immigrants' lower English-language ability and educational attainment.

Stylized facts propose that the foreign-born are more likely to work in risky jobs than natives.^one For instance, immigrants are disproportionately employed in agriculture and construction, sectors with relatively high injury and fatality levels. Moreover, immigrants may be in riskier jobs or perform riskier tasks than natives within those sectors. Anecdotal evidence supports this possibility. For example, 21 of 29 fatal structure accidents in New York Metropolis during a contempo 12-month period involved workers who were immigrants or had express English language proficiency (Chan 2006). Studies of immigrants doing reconstruction work in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina suggest that big numbers of both documented and undocumented foreign-born workers were exposed to unsafe substances and conditions (Fletcher et al. 2006). Nationally, the proportion of work-related fatalities amongst foreign-born Hispanic workers rose betwixt 1992 and 2006 (Centers for Illness Control and Prevention [CDC] 2008), and fatal work injuries among foreign-born Hispanic workers reached a series loftier in 2005 (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2006), making this outcome a pressing public policy concern. This written report therefore examines whether immigrants are indeed more than likely than natives to work in risky jobs, every bit measured by industry and occupation injury and fatality rates, and investigates the causes of any such differences.

Background

Dramatic stories of immigrants injured or killed while working in unsafe jobs abound. For example, two Ecuadorian brothers who worked every bit window washers in New York fell 47 stories when their scaffolding collapsed. One died, and the other was gravely injured (McFadden and Schweber 2007). A migrant farm worker died of heat stroke after picking tobacco in 110 caste weather in N Carolina. His internal body temperature was recorded at 108 degrees (National Institute for Occupational Condom and Wellness [NIOSH] 2007). A fourteen-yr-old undocumented worker was partially decapitated and crushed by machinery in a plant in Tennessee. The youth, who had presented forged documents indicating that he was 19 years old, had received no safety preparation (NIOSH 2005). In addition to workplace accidents, more than than 3,000 foreign-born workers were murdered on the job between 1992 and 2005, making homicide the leading cause of workplace fatalities among immigrants (Franklin and Little 2006).

There are several reasons why immigrants might concur riskier jobs than natives. First, immigrants might have different perceptions or knowledge of job risks than natives. Immigrants may perceive piece of work-related risks differently than natives because job conditions in the United States may be less risky than those in some developing countries, for example. Immigrants might therefore be more willing than natives to have risky jobs because they do non perceive them equally peculiarly dangerous. Inquiry has not explicitly examined this hypothesis.

In addition, lower levels of pedagogy, social uppercase, and English power may lead to immigrants' having less information almost job risks. Sandy and Elliott (1996) and Bender, Mridha, and Peoples (2006) noted that employers may understate workplace risks to workers; this understatement may occur more amongst employers who rent immigrants, either intentionally or because of communication difficulties with immigrants who speak a different language. About 32% of foreign-born adults (aged 25 and older) in the United States practice not have a loftier schoolhouse diploma or equivalent, compared with xi% of natives (U.S. Census Bureau 2006); about 83% of immigrants speak a language other than English at home, with 35% of them reporting speaking English not well or not at all (Grieco 2003). These lower average levels of pedagogy and English ability could result in immigrants being less able to understand job risks.

Immigrants, particularly those who lack legal documents, may also end upwards in riskier jobs because they have few alternatives. As noted by the CDC (2008), the foreign-born may be more willing to perform tasks with higher risks and may be more than hesitant to decline such tasks for fear of losing their jobs. Loh and Richardson (2004) similarly commented that poor English power and depression education levels may limit many immigrants' employment options. A survey of immigrants in Chicago concluded that undocumented immigrants are more likely than legal immigrants to say that their working conditions are dangerous (Mehta et al. 2002). Previous research also indicates that undocumented immigrants are generally a complement to natives rather than a substitute, indicating that undocumented immigrants and natives piece of work in different jobs (Bean, Lowell, and Taylor 1988). Undocumented immigrants are particularly overrepresented in agricultural, cleaning, construction, and food preparation jobs (Passel 2006), which involve more dangers than typical white-collar jobs. Undocumented workers in the meat and poultry industries agree the "near dangerous factory jobs" in America and are discipline to many abuses from their employers (Compa and Fellner 2005:A19). Workers in meatpacking and poultry processing jobs experience cuts, carpal tunnel syndrome, skin diseases, amputations, and fifty-fifty death.

Even if immigrants and natives had similar knowledge nigh job risks and the same legal status, immigrants might nonetheless occupy riskier jobs than natives because of differences in hazard preferences or income. Immigrants may be more willing to take risky jobs considering they tend to have lower incomes and less wealth than natives. Job amenities, including work-identify prophylactic, are ordinarily viewed as a normal expert, for which the quantity that is demanded increases with wealth (Viscusi 1978). Because immigrants have less wealth, on average, than natives (Cobb-Clark and Hildebrand 2006), they "buy" lower levels of task amenities. In other words, immigrants may be more willing than natives to trade off higher wages for worse conditions.ⁱⁱ In addition, Berger and Gabriel (1991) pointed out that immigrants may exist less risk averse than natives, as evidenced by the fact that they were willing to have on the risk of migrating to the U.s..ⁱⁱⁱ

The "salubrious immigrant effect" also might effect in immigrants property riskier jobs than natives. Immigrants tend to be healthier upon inflow than natives, although this health reward dissipates over time (see Antecol and Bedard [2006], and references therein). Immigrants, specially recent ones, therefore might concord more physically strenuous jobs than natives. These physically strenuous jobs, which are prevalent in sectors like construction, meatpacking, and agronomics, may involve more than workplace risks. No previous enquiry has documented this link, withal.

Despite media reports, anecdotal evidence, and theoretical implications that immigrants work nether more than chancy weather, previous research that combines the distribution of workers across industries with manufacture-level fatality or injury rates has not found that immigrants piece of work in riskier jobs than natives. Combining 1980 census data with industry fatality information, Berger and Gabriel (1991) compared sample ways and reported that immigrants are employed in industries with lower average fatality rates. Hamermesh (1998) similarly combined 1991 Current Population Survey data with manufacture injury rates and constitute that immigrants are non more likely than white natives to piece of work in industries with higher injury rates. Hamermesh'southward effect holds both in sample means and in regression estimates decision-making for age, instruction, and the like.

More contempo studies that directly examine piece of work-related deaths reached the opposite conclusion. An analysis of piece of work-related fatalities information for the period 1996–2001 by Loh and Richardson (2004) indicated that work-related fatality rates are college amidst the foreign-born than amongst natives, with fatalities especially high amidst immigrants from Mexico. Supporting this conclusion, Richardson, Ruser, and Suarez (2003) noted that foreign-born Hispanic workers had higher fatality rates during 1995–2000 than both Hispanic and non-Hispanic native-born workers. The higher fatality charge per unit among strange-born Hispanics arises mainly from their asymmetric employment in construction and agriculture, industries with relatively high fatality rates. Decease rates due to workplace homicides are likewise higher among the strange-born, particularly among Asians (considering of robberies at retail stores), than among natives (Sincavage 2005).

The divergent conclusions reached by previous studies could be due to methodological differences. Hamermesh (1998) and Berger and Gabriel (1991) merged manufacture injury and fatality rates with individual-level data. Loh and Richardson (2004) and Richardson et al. (2003), in contrast, just reported the number of work-related deaths per worker. Immigrants might work in industries with lower fatality rates but might exist more likely to feel fatalities inside industries, resulting in higher overall fatality rates for immigrants. The strange-born might perform riskier tasks than natives inside a given industry. Dong and Platner (2004) reported that Hispanic construction workers—more than 70% of whom are foreign-born—have college fatality rates than non-Hispanics inside several specific occupations (such as roofers).

Changes over time are another potential explanation for the differing conclusions reached by previous research. Immigrants might work in riskier jobs more now than previously. Potential explanations for a relative increase in immigrants' task run a risk include a relative decline in average homo capital among immigrants and crowding of immigrants into riskier jobs equally the immigrant population has risen over fourth dimension. In particular, immigrants have moved into the construction sector in big numbers since the early 1990s, and construction action surged afterward 1997 as involvement rates fell and the economic system boomed. In add-on, connected mass immigration may have contributed to deteriorating working conditions in jobs that primarily employ immigrants.

To explore whether immigrants hold riskier jobs than natives, nosotros combine data on the distribution of foreign- and native-born workers beyond industries and occupations with industry- and occupation-level information on work-related injuries and fatalities in the Usa during 2003–2005. In essence, we utilize the same technique as Berger and Gabriel (1991) and Hamermesh (1998) only with more contempo data. Thus, our analysis updates their results. Like Hamermesh, we examine the role of observable characteristics, such equally education and years since migration, in determining whether workers agree risky jobs. Our analysis besides adds a measure out of workers' ability to speak English, a characteristic not available in Hamermesh's data. The sample ways indicate that during 2003–2005, immigrants were disproportionately employed in industries and occupations with loftier injury and fatality rates, and immigrants worked in industries with higher fatality rates and occupations with college injury rates fifty-fifty afterward controls for a wide variety of observable characteristics are included. Our results mark a change from Hamermesh'south (1998) injury results for 1991 and Berger and Gabriel's (1991) fatality results for 1980. Poor English ability and lower average levels of education announced to play key roles in the overrepresentation of immigrants in risky jobs.

Data AND METHODS

We use two main data sources for the period 2003–2005: individual-level information from the American Community Survey (ACS), and data on piece of work-related fatalities and nonfatal injuries and illnesses from the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) injuries, illnesses, and fatalities (IIF) program.

The ACS is a nationwide survey administered by the Census Bureau that asks well-nigh individual demographic and socioeconomic characteristics. The ACS was designed to replace the long form of the decennial census and, in essence, asks the same questions as the 2000 census long form. We focus on a national comparison of all foreign- and U.S.-born individuals aged 16 and older who report being employed in the private sector in the calendar week before the survey.^four The ACS reports detailed manufacture and occupation information for these workers, as well every bit characteristics such every bit age, didactics, and place of birth.

We ascertain U.Southward. natives as people born in the The states or built-in abroad to U.S. citizens. Immigrants are all people born exterior of the Usa, regardless of their visa or citizenship condition, who were not U.S. citizens at nascency. "Immigrants" in the ACS thus encompasses naturalized citizens, legal permanent residents, temporary migrants, and (as discussed more than below) undocumented immigrants. We practise non include people born in U.S. territories or outlying areas (e.thou., Puerto Rico) in our analysis because these people are U.S. citizens by nascency but have very different characteristics than other U.Due south. natives. The ACS asks respondents who report speaking a language other than English at abode to self-assess their ability to speak English as very well, well, not well, or non at all. The ACS also asks foreign-born people what year they came to live in the Usa. We apply these answers to derive the number of years of U.S. residence for immigrants.

Injuries and Fatalities Information

The fatalities data are from the Census of Fatal Occupational Injuries (CFOI) and include deaths resulting from traumatic events on the job. The BLS compiles the CFOI data by examining source records, such every bit death certificates, workers' compensation reports, and federal and state agency administrative reports. Deaths usually must be verified as work-related by at least two sources to be included in the CFOI. We exercise not focus on the chief fatal event (the event leading to the expiry, such equally a fall) in this analysis; other studies evidence that homicide is the leading result for work-related fatalities amongst immigrants, while highway incidents are the leading event among natives (Loh and Richardson 2004). We focus instead on the number of fatalities, which is reported by industry and past occupation (not jointly by industry and occupation). Nosotros created fatality rates by dividing the number of fatalities past the number of individual sector workers in that industry or occupation using information from the BLS Current Employment Statistics program for industry-level data or from the Occupational Employment Statistics for occupation-level data.^v Fatality rates are reported here every bit per 100,000 workers.

The industries and occupations with the highest fatality rates are largely what one would await. The industries with the highest fatality rates are angling/hunting/trapping, taxi service, and logging. The occupations with the highest fatality rates include farmers and ranchers, fishers and hunters, loggers, and mining machine operators.

Figure 1 shows the trend in the overall fatality rate for the period 1992–2005. The fatality rate declined fairly steadily betwixt 1994 and 2002 just leveled off in the final iii years. The rate during 2003–2005 corresponds to an average of 5,691 work-related deaths annually. Figure 1 besides shows the percentage of fatalities that occurred among strange-born workers, which was reasonably stable at about eleven% during 1992–1998 but has since risen, reaching 18% in 2005.⁶ This proportion exceeds the representation of immigrants in the labor force, which was about 15% in 2005. Strange-born workers thus appear to experience excess work-related mortality. During 2003–2005, nearly 960 foreign-born workers experienced a work-related death each year.

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Overall Fatality Rate and Fatalities to Strange-born Workers

At that place are several factors underlying the substantial increase in the percentage of fatalities occurring to foreign-built-in workers after 1998. Loh and Richardson (2004) noted that the share of fatal injuries occurring among immigrants rose more than their employment share in the agricultural and manufacturing sectors. The increase coincides with a surge of immigrant inflows, particularly of undocumented immigrants, in the wake of economic crises in Latin America and with immigrants moving from the traditional agricultural sector to jobs in manufacturing and construction.

The increase also coincides with a construction boom fueled by depression interest rates. During 1996–2001, nearly one in four fatally injured strange-born workers was employed in the construction industry, versus less than one in 5 natives (Loh and Richardson 2004). In 1994, near 10% of workers in the construction industry were foreign-built-in, or about vi% of foreign-built-in workers were employed in construction. Past 2005, immigrants accounted for near 22% of construction workers, and 12% of immigrants were working in the construction industry. This dramatic shift of immigrants into the construction sector seems likely to have played a large role in the rising in the immigrant share of work-related fatalities shown in Figure ane.

The data on nonfatal injuries and illnesses are from the Survey of Occupational Injuries and Illnesses (SOII). The SOII data are based on reports nerveless annually from about 176,000 private industry establishments.⁷ The Occupational Condom and Health Assistants (OSHA) requires employers to keep logs of piece of work-related injuries and illnesses, and the SOII data are based on these logs. Work-related injuries and illnesses included here involve at least one twenty-four hours abroad from work other than the incident day. These injuries may involve medical handling (other than first aid), brake of work or motion, loss of consciousness, or transfer to another job. Work-related illnesses are new cases recognized, diagnosed, and reported during the year. The BLS IIF program acknowledges that illnesses directly related to workplace activity are more than likely to be reported than long-term latent illnesses, such every bit cancer. The SOII reports the full number of injuries and illnesses as well every bit past the nature of injury or disease, such every bit burns, fractures, and amputations. Nosotros focus on the total injury and affliction rate but do report some results past the nature of the illness or injury.^viii The BLS IIF program reports injury rates past industry only reports only levels for occupations; we converted the occupation data into rates, as with the fatalities data.⁹ Injury rates are reported hither as per 10,000 workers.

During 2003–2005, industry injury rates in our sample averaged 142 injuries per 10,000 workers, while occupation injury rates averaged near 112. In levels, this corresponds to an average of 1,269,973 nonfatal injuries per twelvemonth involving days abroad from work. Industries with the highest injury rates include bituminous coal surreptitious mining, air transportation, and urban transit systems. The occupations with the highest injury rates, like those with the highest fatality rates, include farmers and ranchers, fishers and hunters, loggers, and mining motorcar operators.

Underreporting

The BLS information probable underestimate the incidence of work-related injuries and illnesses (Azaroff, Levenstein, and Wegman 2002; Boden and Ozonoff 2008). There are several reasons for the undercount: for instance, workers might not study injuries or illnesses to their employers because they fear reprisal; workers might not exist able to afford time away from work; and employers might not record and report all work-related injuries and illnesses in order to keep workers' compensation rates depression and to avoid triggering inspections. Work-related fatalities also might be underreported by the CFOI, in function because at least two sources must verify the decease as piece of work-related. The truthful extent of underreporting of both piece of work-related fatalities and injuries is unknown.

Injuries and fatalities may be more likely to exist underreported in industries and occupations that unduly employ immigrants. Immigrants, particularly the undocumented, may be less probable than natives to report a work-related injury or illness to an employer. Bear witness on this outcome is mixed. A survey of nonagricultural Latino immigrant workers in Alexandria, Virginia, plant that all of those who had experienced a task-related injury had reported it to the employer, although most of them had not received any workers' compensation benefits (Pransky et al. 2002). A survey of unionized hotel room cleaners (more often than not immigrants) in Las Vegas found that less than i-third of those who had experienced work-related hurting had reported information technology to their employer (Scherzer, Rugulies, and Krause 2005). Underreporting likewise might occur at the firm level. Employers that rent big numbers of immigrants, particularly undocumented immigrants, might exist less probable to follow OSHA record-keeping requirements for piece of work-related injuries and illnesses. Similarly, information technology may exist more difficult to verify a death as work-related for an immigrant worker, especially for an undocumented immigrant.

If differential underreporting occurs, our results underestimate any immigrant-native differences. However, whatsoever bias due to differential underreporting is diluted by our use of manufacture- or occupation-level injury and fatality rates that combine immigrants and natives. If underreporting is more than common for immigrant workers than for natives, the bias would be greater in rates stratified by nascency than in rates for all workers.

Data Assay

We merge the ACS and IIF information past industry and, separately, by occupation. Industry is coded in both data sources using North American Industry Nomenclature System (NAICS) codes, and occupation is coded using the 6-digit "occsoc" codes. We used the most detailed level possible for merging the data sources by industry; if a friction match could non be fabricated at the four-digit NAICS level, we made information technology at the three-digit level, and so on. Over again, only workers in the private sector who are not cocky-employed are included here. We were able to match about 98% of these observations in the ACS to an industry or occupation injury or fatality rate.¹⁰

Immigrants business relationship for more than 14% of our sample. The immigrant sample in the ACS includes undocumented immigrants. A comparison of Department of Homeland Security (DHS) administrative records with the ACS suggests that the ACS includes a substantially larger population of strange-born individuals than the DHS's guess of legal permanent residents and temporary nonimmigrants (Cornwell 2006; Hoefer, Rytina, and Campbell 2007). One potential reason for this is, of course, that the ACS includes at least some of the undocumented immigration population, which probably numbered effectually 11 million in 2005 (Passel 2006). However, like other large-scale regime surveys, the ACS probably undercounts the undocumented population, particularly because information technology does not include people living in grouping quarters (Mather, Rivers, and Jacobsen 2005). The ACS likely undercounts the unauthorized immigrant population by about 10% (see Bean et al. 1998; Hanson 2006; and Hoefer et al. 2007).

Table 1 reports descriptive statistics for our sample. All of the immigrant-native differences in the weighted sample means are significant at the i% level. Immigrants are more than likely than natives to be male, married, Hispanic, and "other race" (which includes Asians and Pacific Islanders). Reflecting the bimodal distribution of instruction among immigrants, the share of immigrants who do not have a high school diploma or equivalent is about 22 pct points college than among natives, while the percent who have a college degree is like for immigrants and natives. Almost all natives speak just English at home or study speaking English language very well, whereas immigrants' ability to speak English is quite varied.

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics for the ACS Sample

Variable	Natives		Immigrants
Variable	Mean	SD	Mean	SD
Individual Characteristics
Female	0.47	0.fifty	0.39	0.49
Historic period	39.13	xiii.48	38.44	11.94
Married	0.53	0.50	0.62	0.48
Divorced/widowed/separated	0.16	0.37	0.12	0.32
Never married	0.31	0.46	0.26	0.44
White (non-Hispanic)	0.81	0.40	0.18	0.38
Black (non-Hispanic)	0.11	0.31	0.08	0.27
Other race (non-Hispanic)	0.02	0.14	0.24	0.42
Hispanic	0.07	0.25	0.51	0.50
No high school diploma	0.x	0.31	0.32	0.47
High school diploma	0.31	0.46	0.24	0.43
Some college	0.33	0.47	0.19	0.39
College degree	0.25	0.43	0.25	0.43
Years in the United states of america	—	—	15.71	eleven.40
Speaks simply English at habitation	0.93	0.25	0.15	0.36
Speaks English very well	0.06	0.23	0.32	0.47
Speaks English well	0.01	0.08	0.21	0.41
Speaks English non well	0.00	0.06	0.22	0.41
Speaks English language not at all	0.00	0.03	0.ten	0.30
N	1,492,416		215,223
Injury and Fatality Rates
Industry injury rate	140.55	87.99	148.74	84.92
Occupation injury charge per unit	108.83	118.fifty	139.69	129.15
Industry fatality charge per unit	4.71	ix.57	six.50	12.19
Occupation fatality rate	5.93	56.79	7.54	66.95

Immigrants work in riskier industries and occupations. The sample means in Table 1 indicate that the average industry injury charge per unit for immigrant workers is about 8 injuries per 10,000 workers higher than among native workers, and the average occupation injury rate is 31 injuries per 10,000 workers higher. The average industry fatality rate amidst immigrant workers is well-nigh 1.eight deaths per 100,000 workers higher than among natives, and the average occupation fatality charge per unit is nigh i.half-dozen deaths per 100,000 workers higher. These differences are probably biased downward by underreporting of injuries in industries that employ big numbers of immigrants, as discussed above. Our exclusion of authorities workers, who are disproportionately native-born and whose jobs tend to be less risky (except for the armed forces), and the self-employed also probable leads to an underestimate of immigrant-native differences.

As a commencement step in investigating why immigrants tend to work in riskier jobs, Tabular array 2 presents sample means for the injury and fatality rates by education and English language ability. All iv measures decline monotonically in education. Injury and fatality rates tend to amend with English ability, although all four measures are higher amongst workers who speak only English at home than among workers who speak some other language at home only speak English very well. Workers who speak no English conspicuously confront greater average injury and fatality rates than other workers.

Table 2.

Average Injury and Fatality Rates by Education and English Ability

Variable	Industry Injury Rate	Occupation Injury Charge per unit	Manufacture Fatality Rate	Occupation Fatality Rate
No High Schoolhouse Diploma	166.86	175.72	8.26	x.45
Loftier Schoolhouse Diploma	158.40	146.12	6.09	seven.47
Some College	140.01	102.86	4.23	5.03
College Caste	110.63	53.74	2.84	3.74
Speaks Simply English at Domicile	140.51	108.46	four.69	v.90
Speaks English language Very Well	133.43	100.lxxx	four.38	v.38
Speaks English Well	152.53	145.42	6.36	vii.44
Speaks English Non Well	166.35	184.35	viii.53	9.88
Speaks English Not at All	176.16	210.27	12.46	13.69

Regression Model

The comparing of sample ways in Tables 1 and 2 suggests that differences in education, English language ability, or other individual characteristics may explain why immigrants tend to work in riskier jobs. We judge ordinary to the lowest degree squares regressions of the determinants of injury and fatality rates to examine the extent of immigrant-native differences in average injury and fatality rates when decision-making for other observable individual characteristics. The basic form of the regressions is

Rate_{i due south t} =α +β₁Immigrant_i +β_iiOtherCharacteristics_i +β_iiiCountry_south +β₄Year_t +ɛ_{i south t},

(i)

where the dependent variable is the injury or fatality rate in private i's manufacture or occupation. The variable Immigrant is a dummy variable equal to i for immigrants and 0 for natives. The controls for Other Characteristics include a dummy variable equal to 1 for females, historic period and age squared, dummy variables for marital status (married and divorced/widowed/separated, with never married as the omitted category), dummy variables for race and ethnicity (blackness, other race, and Hispanic, with whites every bit the omitted category), and dummy variables for highest educational attainment (less than a high schoolhouse diploma, some college, or at least a college degree, with loftier school diploma as the omitted category). Nosotros also include a linear variable measuring years since moving to the United States (which equals 0 for all natives) and dummy variables measuring the power to speak English language (very well, well, not well, and not at all, with speaking but English at home as the omitted category). The regressions likewise include fixed effects for state of residence and survey twelvemonth. The coefficients on these stock-still furnishings are non shown here.^xi Observations are weighted using the person weights in the ACS. Standard errors are clustered on manufacture or occupation.

RESULTS

Controlling for observable individual characteristics reduces the immigrant-native differences in injury and fatality rates. Table 3 reports the regression results. The difference in the average industry injury rate falls from 8.19 injuries per ten,000 workers (based on the sample ways in Table ane) to about 5.75, the coefficient on the immigrant dummy variable. The gap in the boilerplate occupation injury rate also declines, from about xxx.86 injuries per ten,000 workers to 10.69. The deviation in the average industry fatality charge per unit declines from ane.79 deaths per 100,000 workers to 0.83, and the departure in the average occupation fatality charge per unit declines from near 1.sixty to −0.54 (immigrants are in occupations with lower fatality rates, controlling for appreciable characteristics). All of the significance levels of the immigrant-native differences pass up besides, compared with the difference in raw means. Just the differences in the occupational injury rate and manufacture fatality rate are significant below the 10% level when we command for differences in education, English ability, and the like. These results thus bespeak that differences in observable characteristics can explain much of the overrepresentation of immigrants in riskier jobs.

Table iii.

Relationship Between Individual Characteristics and Injury and Fatality Rates

Variable	Manufacture Injury Rate		Occupation Injury Rate		Industry Fatality Rate		Occupation Fatality Charge per unit
Variable	Coefficient	SE	Coefficient	SE	Coefficient	SE	Coefficient	SE
Immigrant	v.747	4.384	10.687^†	5.985	0.828^*	0.404	−0.535	1.060
Female	−28.986^*	11.679	−64.315^**	xiv.611	−4.197^**	1.064	−seven.265^**	1.548
Age	1.784^*	0.746	ii.036^*	0.794	0.143^*	0.072	0.137^*	0.063
Age, Squared	−0.019^*	0.008	−0.024^**	0.008	−0.002^**	0.001	−0.002^*	0.001
Married	ane.741	2.343	−3.294	two.679	0.422^*	0.202	0.675^*	0.239
Divorced/Widowed/Separated	six.036^**	one.750	5.061^**	1.890	0.561^**	0.200	0.657^**	0.176
Black	ix.058	6.485	fifteen.507^*	7.450	−0.723^†	0.421	−one.526^*	0.742
Other Race	−xi.428^**	4.313	−eleven.932^**	3.707	−1.639^**	0.451	−one.526^**	0.742
Hispanic	5.218^**	1.644	11.316^**	2.809	0.360	0.364	−0.013	0.515
No High Schoolhouse Diploma	6.370	iv.101	17.008^**	4.661	ane.353^*	0.622	two.215^*	ane.081
Some College	−15.442^**	4.173	−36.735^**	5.844	−one.511^**	0.417	−i.955^**	0.539
College Caste	−45.605^**	nine.211	−87.597^**	13.265	−3.140^**	0.876	−3.703^**	i.179
Years in the United States	−0.172	0.141	−0.211	0.153	−0.025^†	0.013	0.026	0.047
Speaks English language Very Well	−ii.009	i.431	−five.796^**	i.525	−0.351^†	0.196	−0.386^*	0.185
Speaks English language Well	5.124^*	2.574	fifteen.096^**	ii.702	0.369	0.336	0.244	0.261
Speaks English language Not Well	half dozen.936	4.802	29.478^**	7.402	i.186	0.738	1.139	0.787
Speaks English Not at All	11.064^*	5.149	42.687^**	14.478	four.329	ii.871	4.199^†	2.391
Adjusted R ^two	.093		.208		.090		.006
Northward	i,707,639		ane,699,721		ane,706,030		one,704,027

The results in Table iii point several other patterns in the distribution of workers across risky jobs. Women tend to work in safer industries and occupations, as do older workers. Compared with whites, blacks work in jobs with higher injury rates just lower manufacture and occupation fatality rates. Individuals of "other race" work in safer jobs than whites, and Hispanics tend to work in jobs with higher injury rates. At that place is an inverse relationship between instruction and injury and fatality rates, as suggested by the sample means in Table 2.

The regression results indicate that workers with worse English ability tend to exist in riskier jobs. The difference is most notable for workers who speak no English language. I outcome is somewhat puzzling: workers who speak English language well but also speak some other language concord less risky jobs than workers who speak only English at home. This result also appears in the raw sample means (Table ii). If we stratify the data by immigrant condition, however, in that location is no significant difference in job injury and fatality rates between immigrants who speak simply English at home and immigrants who speak English very well, controlling for other characteristics (not shown).¹² Injury and fatality rates increase monotonically amongst immigrants as ability to speak English language declines from very well to not at all.

Amid immigrants, years of U.S. residence is mostly negatively associated with chore adventure, but only the relationship with manufacture fatality rates reaches statistical significance in Tabular array 3. We circumspection that the years since migration results capture both assimilation and cohort effects. If earlier cohorts of immigrants were more skilled than recent cohorts, then the negative coefficient on years since migration is biased and is likely too large (besides negative). Nosotros practice not endeavor to control for cohort furnishings because we apply only iii years of data (see Borjas [1985] for a discussion).

Immigrants are in riskier jobs forth a variety of dimensions. Table 4 reports the immigrant-native departure in injury rates by the nature of the injury. The columns labeled "Raw" present differences in sample means, and the columns labeled "Adjusted" nowadays the estimated coefficients on an immigrant dummy variable in regressions that control for other individual characteristics. The significance levels indicate whether the departure is statistically different from zero. Virtually of the raw differences bespeak that immigrants are in jobs with higher injury rates. Interestingly, immigrants tend to be in riskier occupations more they are in riskier industries—all of the raw differences are statistically significant for occupation injury rates, but only a few are for industry injury rates (the overall industry injury rate divergence is also non statistically significant). As in Table 3, appreciable characteristics can explain much of the gaps. The differences are attenuated (and fewer are statistically significant) when nosotros control for educational activity, English power, and the similar. The results also point that when we control for observable characteristics, immigrants are less likely to work in jobs that lead to carpal tunnel syndrome.

Table iv.

Immigrant-Native Differences in Injury Rates by Nature of Injury

Nature of Injury	Manufacture Injury Rate		Occupation Injury Charge per unit
Nature of Injury	Raw	Adjusted	Raw	Adjusted
Sprains and Strains	1.054	1.751	10.348^**	4.093
Fractures	0.866	0.635	ii.440^*	0.966
Cuts and Punctures	2.411^**	i.475^**	5.211^**	ii.268^*
Bruises	0.715^†	0.436	ii.724^**	0.681
Heat Burns	0.352^†	0.305^†	0.750^*	0.311^†
Chemical Burns	0.131^**	0.064^†	0.308^**	0.094^*
Amputations	0.139^*	0.029	0.303^**	0.047
Carpal Tunnel Syndrome	0.005	−0.105^*	0.279^*	−0.124^*
Tendinitis	0.053	0.001	0.183^**	0.007
Multiple Traumatic Injuries	0.423^†	0.243	0.869^*	0.148
Pain	0.388	0.244	2.283^**	one.029^†
Back Pain	0.177	0.140	0.847^**	0.438^†
All Other Injuries	1.677	0.999	5.203^**	one.481

Robustness

We performed a number of other estimations to verify the robustness of the results shown in the tables. Stratifying the data by sex revealed some interesting differences, although nosotros caution that the injury and fatality rates are not sex-specific. The raw immigrant-native differences in injury rates are fairly similar for both men and women (and the gap in occupational injury rates is actually greater for female immigrants than for male person immigrants). Foreign-built-in men work in industries with college fatality rates than do native-born men, just at that place is no difference amid women. When observable characteristics are controlled for, immigrant women piece of work in industries and occupations with significantly higher injury rates than native-born women, and immigrant men work in industries with higher fatality rates than native-born men.

As discussed earlier, immigrants might work in riskier jobs because they tend to have lower incomes and less wealth. The ACS does not accept good measures of wealth, but it does have measures of unearned individual income and total family income. We ran the specifications shown in Table 3 with an additional variable measuring either unearned individual income or total family unit income less the individual's earned income. The estimated coefficients and significance levels for the immigrant dummy variable were similar to those shown in Tabular array iii. Every bit expected, the "other income" variables were negatively associated with task risk.

Nosotros also tried controlling for the fraction of workers in an industry or occupation who are members of a marriage or the fraction covered by matrimony representation.^thirteen When controls were added for unionization rates, the immigrant-native differences in job take a chance were slightly larger in magnitude (and were more statistically pregnant); the exception was the occupation fatality rates results, which were unchanged. The unionization rate variables were typically positively associated with task take chances, indicating that worse jobs take higher unionization rates.

Immigrants who are naturalized citizens might exist less likely to concord risky jobs than other immigrants. Our principal results practice not include an indicator variable for naturalized citizen status because it would be highly correlated with years in the United States (and, to a lesser extent, with English power). When we do include a citizen indicator variable, the results suggest that naturalized citizens work in industries with lower fatality rates than other immigrants. There is little modify in the other estimated coefficients in the regression. Naturalized denizen status is not significantly associated with industry or occupation injury rates or occupation fatality rates.

A final concern nearly our results is multicollinearity between the immigrant, years in the United States, and English ability variables. Multicollinearity tin outcome in larger standard errors (and lower significance levels) or coefficients with the incorrect sign or an implausible magnitude. Nosotros experimented with running the regressions with only one of those variables (or sets of variables, in the case of English language power) instead of all three. When only the immigrant dummy variable is included (along with the controls for gender, age, and the similar), the coefficients on the immigrant variable are similar to those in Tabular array 3, except that immigrants are significantly more probable than natives to work in industries with college injury rates. When only years of U.S. residence is included, that variable is not significantly associated with job chance except for occupation injury rates, for which the coefficient is positive. When only the measures of English ability are included, we find results similar to those reported for the other variables in Tabular array three. In the industry fatality rate specification, the estimated coefficients for the variables for speaking English not well and not at all get statistically significant, while the estimated coefficient for speaking English very well is not significant.

CONCLUSION

This article examined whether immigrants work in riskier jobs, equally measured by injury and fatality rates, than natives. The results clearly indicate that immigrants work in more dangerous industries and occupations. The simple immigrant-native difference in boilerplate industry fatality rates is ane.79 deaths per 100,000 workers. Evaluated at 20 meg (approximately the number of immigrants employed in 2005), this implies excess mortality of 358 immigrants per year compared with the number of deaths if immigrants had the aforementioned distribution beyond industries as natives. The simple divergence in average occupation fatality rates is slightly smaller (1.60), which implies an excess of 320 deaths each year. The simple difference in average industry injury rates of 8.19 per 10,000 workers implies an excess of sixteen,380 non-fatal injuries involving at least 1 day away from work amidst immigrants; the deviation in average occupation injury rates of xxx.86 per ten,000 workers implies an excess of about 61,720 injuries among immigrants annually.

These calculations, like all of the findings here, assume that fatality rates inside industries and occupations utilize equally to natives and immigrants. If immigrants actually experience college fatality rates inside industries and occupations than natives, all of our results are underestimates. Individual-level data on piece of work-related fatalities and injuries that include data on nativity are needed to further examine this issue. Such information would also improve the goodness of fit of the models estimated here. Data on fatalities and injuries past industry and occupation jointly besides would requite a more authentic pic of relative job risks if immigrants and natives concur different occupations inside industries.

Our results indicate that differences in observable characteristics, such as English ability and pedagogy, play of import roles in the tendency of immigrants to work in riskier jobs. Workers' ability to speak English is inversely related to their manufacture injury and fatality rates, indicating that immigrants who speak English fluently piece of work in safer jobs. The CDC (2008) attributed the high number of work-related deaths among foreign-born Hispanics in role to inadequate knowledge of safety hazards and inadequate training and supervision of workers, which are ofttimes exacerbated by language and literacy problems. Our findings bolster such calls for more safety training in languages other than English language (National Research Council 2003). McHugh, Gelatt, and Fix (2007) estimated that about 750,000 immigrants, or about two.5% of the adult foreign-built-in population, are illiterate. This suggests that merely posting safety instructions in languages other than English language would not be sufficient to eliminate disparities in workplace risks. Instead, safety regulations might need to require posters with pictures.

The findings here raise a number of intriguing questions. Previous inquiry using similar methods but earlier information has non found that immigrants piece of work in industries with higher injury or fatality rates (Berger and Gabriel 1991; Hamermesh 1998). Futurity research should examine why there at present appears to be more sorting of immigrants into riskier jobs. Probable reasons include a relative turn down in immigrants' skills, unprecedented immigrant inflows, and the construction boom. Determining whether immigrants confront greater risks than natives within specific occupations is also an interesting research area. Whether immigrant inflows touch working weather, with larger influxes possibly leading to downgrading of weather and more than injuries and workplace deaths, is yet some other key area for future work. A last interesting issue is whether immigrants earn the same compensating differential—if whatsoever—equally natives for working in risky industries and occupations. If immigrants are more willing to accept risky jobs because they underestimate workplace risks due to a lack of information, then they might non earn the same compensating differential every bit natives, and some form of government intervention might be warranted.

Acknowledgments

The authors thank participants at the 2008 Population Association of America, Club of Labor Economists, and IZA Annual Migration Meeting conferences for helpful comments. Madeline Zavodny thanks the Chief Justice Earl Warren Institute for Race, Ethnicity, and Diversity, Boalt Police School, University of California, Berkeley, for fiscal support. The views expressed hither are those of the authors and do not necessarily reverberate those of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas or the Federal Reserve System. Madeline Zavodny volition provide information and coding data to those wishing to replicate the study.

Footnotes

^1.We use the terms immigrant and foreign-born interchangeably here to refer to all individuals born outside the United States to parents who are non U.South. citizens, except when distinguishing between illegal (undocumented) immigrants and other immigrants (which here includes naturalized citizens, legal permanent residents, and legal temporary migrants).

^two.This assumes that riskier jobs pay more than, which is generally truthful for jobs with higher fatality rates but not for jobs with college injury rates, every bit noted by Rosen (1986), Smith (1979), and Viscusi (1993).

^3.Yet, Bonin et al. (forthcoming) showed that—decision-making for age, education, and the like—strange nationals living in Germany simply born abroad self-study lower willingness to take risks, including with regard to career, than German nationals or strange nationals living in Federal republic of germany who were born in Germany. Bonin et al. (2006) reported that the immigrant-native gap in gamble proclivity shrinks as immigrants assimilate into German society.

^4.We do not include the self-employed because of concerns almost whether they are included in the BLS IIF data. This may bias our results downward because excluding the self-employed drops twenty-four hours laborers (who are disproportionately employed in structure) and store owners (who are relatively frequent victims of workplace homicides). We do not include nonprofit and government workers considering the injury data are from the private sector.

^5.Agronomical employment information are almanac averages based on the Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages (QCEW).

^6.The overall fatality rates and number of work-related fatalities are from the IIF plan. The number of piece of work-related deaths amidst foreign-built-in workers was compiled from unpublished information provided by the IIF plan, Richardson (2005), and Seminario (2007). It bears noting that the IIF program classifies persons born abroad to U.South. citizen parents as strange-born individuals; we do not. This discrepancy likely accounts for a very small number of workers, however (individuals built-in abroad to U.Due south. citizen parents are less than ane% of our ACS sample).

^vii.Data on occupational injuries and illnesses for coal, metallic, and nonmetal mining and for railroad activities are from the Department of Labor'south Mine Safety and Health Assistants and the Department of Transportation's Federal Railroad Administration. The SOII survey excludes all work-related fatalities as well equally nonfatal work injuries and illnesses to the self-employed; to workers on farms with 10 or fewer employees; to private household workers; and to federal, land, and local government workers (http://www.bls.gov/iif/oshsum1.htm).

^viii.For brevity, we refer to these data here as injury data, but the data include illnesses likewise.

^9.The BLS IIF calculates the industry rates based on the number of full-time equivalent workers. Because of data limitations, we calculated the occupation rates based on all workers, not full-time equivalent workers.

^x.The samples are slightly different depending on whether nosotros examine industry or occupation injury or fatality rates, as indicated by the sample sizes shown in Tabular array 3. Table 1 shows sample means of individual characteristics for all individuals included in whatever specification here.

^11.The estimated coefficients of the land fixed effects are jointly statistically significant in the regressions. This reflects differences in the distribution of industries and occupations across states. The estimated coefficients of the yr stock-still furnishings are not meaning in some specifications and practice not show a clear pattern.

^12.There is a high degree of multicollinearity between the immigrant variable and the omitted English ability category because natives etch 97% of the English-simply observations. This multicollinearity might drive the result for workers who speak English very well relative to workers who speak but English language at dwelling house when the immigrant indicator variable is included in the regressions. Alternatively, immigrants who speak a not-English language at home but are too fluent in English might be more educated (and hence piece of work in better jobs) than other immigrant households.

^13.The wedlock membership and representation data are averages during 2003–2005 from the Bureau of Labor Statistics. The data are bachelor for a total of 22 occupations and 25 industries. The ACS does non include individuals' matrimony status.

Correspondent Information

PIA Yard. ORRENIUS, Federal Reserve Banking company of Dallas and IZA, 2200 Northward. Pearl Street; Dallas, TX 75201; e–mail:gro.brf.lad@suinerro.aip.

MADELINE ZAVODNY, Agnes Scott Higher and IZA.

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